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Jeju, Island of World Peace

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  • 建立东北亚和平合作体 조회수 4
    저자
    建立东北亚和平合作体
    발간호
    2017-03
    建立东北亚和平合作体   2007年6月21日~23日,济州和平研究所主办了第4届济州和平论坛,论坛主题为“东北亚和平与繁荣:探索欧洲经验”。为创建东北亚和平合作体,在第4届济州和平论坛上,通过了促进“济州进程”的“济州宣言”,“济州进程”的参照模式是创建了联合国安保合作机构(OSCE)的“赫尔辛基进程”。 济州宣言指出:“2005年1月,济州被韩国政府指定为‘世界和平之岛’。为早日在济州实行构建东北亚区域内安全对话合作机制的进程,应采取具体措施。” 特别是卢武铉总统莅临了第4届济州和平论坛,并发表主旨演讲。卢武铉总统在主旨演讲中指出:“六方会谈在解决朝核问题后,应发展为促进东北亚和平安保合作的多边协议体。”并且强调:“经历过世界大战的欧洲,通过赫尔辛基进程,成功构建了OSCE,这将成为值得东北亚效仿的一个典范。” 为了促进济州论坛提议的“济州进程”,于2007年10月16日召开了“济州进程国际研讨会”。参加此次研讨会的有千英宇(朝核问题六方会谈韩国代表团团长)、布瑞恩·麦克唐纳(EU驻韩代表部大使)等国内外专家。为了筹备促进及实施济州进程的战略,在OSCE的发展过程中,对欧洲各国的作用和由此汲取的经验以及东北亚多边对话机制及地域共同体构想等进行了集中讨论。紧接着在2007年11月16日,举行了“济州进程务实研讨会”,与济州进程有关的教授、济州道相关人士、济州和平研究所研究团体等出席会议,并对实现济州进程进行了实质性的讨论。 在此之后,济州和平研究院于长期愿景之下,致力于推进东北亚和平合作机制的构建,以此来落实机制。其间,随着朴槿惠政府执政,逐渐将此机制发展为统一〮外交政策之一的“东北亚和平合作构想”。 但在以创建东北亚和平合作体为目标的“东北亚和平合作构想”中,原有名称“济州进程”被改为“首尔进程”。但与此不同的是,在由外交部和联合国和平与裁军亚洲及太平洋区域中心于2002年起,每年在济州共同主办的国际核不扩散与裁军年度例行会议及言论媒体上,相关名称被称为“济州进程”。尤其是在济州举行的年度例行国际核不扩散与裁军会议上,更是有必要利用“东北亚和平合作构想”。国际核不扩散与裁军会议是“半官半民”会议,每年有来自于10多个国家的核不扩散与裁军专家及国际组织人士出席会议,对国际核裁军与核不扩散领域中悬而未决的问题进行讨论研究,并展望未来的发展趋势。 今后,为了构建东北亚和平合作机制,有必要构建济州进程路线图,并构建概念和基本方向等系统化的推进战略。对外,将通过济州和平论坛进行持续讨论,并且为了营造国内外氛围,有必要引导东北亚主要国家参与到“济州进程”中来,并积极推进相关方案,逐渐将此升级为政府间会议。 为落实这一构想,济州和平研究院将与外交部进行有机协作,创建多边安全机制。并将制定长期的发展战略,来维持此机制在济州岛的推进进程。此外,为推进今后的亚洲和平进程,将会进行中长期的研究。
  • 东北亚和平合作体构想 조회수 4
    저자
    金宇尚 (延世大 政治外交学科 教授)
    발간호
    2017-03
    东北亚和平合作体构想   [caption id="" align="alignright" width="160"] 金宇尚延世大 政治外交学科 教授[/caption] 受2008年全球经济危机的影响,国际社会至今仍未实现经济复苏,而最近的英国脱欧公投,再一次给全球经济带来了冲击。不仅如此,中东呼吸综合症(MERS)、寨卡病毒等传染病的爆发、气候变化、恐怖主义的扩张、难民问题、内战中的人权侵犯等问题此起彼伏。为了应对这些全球性问题,进行国际合作是必不可少的。 在东亚地区,中美之间的霸权争夺正愈演愈烈。中国国家主席习近平让中国的崛起成为不可撼动的事实,并试图与美国构建“新型大国关系”。尤其在中国南海和东海周边的地区问题上,更是主张强烈捍卫国家领土主权,并将其视为国家的核心利益。在经济上与中国的相互依赖度逐步提高的亚洲地区各国,逐渐感受到中国的崛起对本国的国家安全构成了威胁。为了积极应对因中国崛起而引发的区域安全及经济秩序的变化,区域内主要国家进行相互合作是必不可少的。 此外,对于暴露在朝核威胁中的韩国来说,韩·美同盟提供的“延伸威慑”(extended deterrence),在韩国的安保中是不可或缺的。一方面,韩国与中国的经济关系日益深化,另一方面,韩国必须进一步巩固与美国的同盟关系。越是在这样的时刻,韩国就越应该根据外交安保"大战略"(grand strategy),展开具有可预见性的外交工作。 在韩国外交安保大战略的核心内容中,除了韩·美同盟、韩·中经济战略合作伙伴关系以外,还应包含“枢纽中坚国外交战略”(pivotal middle power diplomacy)。立足于韩·美同盟的国家安全优先主义是韩国的国家安保大战略;立足于自由贸易,追求国家经济利益的优先主义也是经济外交的大战略。目前,韩·中经济战略合作伙伴关系可谓是韩国经济外交的一个中心轴。与此同时,韩国的枢纽中坚国外交战略也应成为第三个大战略。为了成功实施枢纽中坚国外交战略,应推进“东北亚和平合作体”的构建,以此深化“东北亚和平合作构想”(NAPCI)。 由于朝鲜半岛局势现受朝核威胁,在韩国的外交政策中,周边四强所占比重非常大。越是这样,韩国越应该为扩大外交范围而努力。不仅要表现出对美、日、中、俄以及朝核问题以外的诸多国际社会及地区内的人类安全热点问题的关注,还应该在地区内发挥中坚国家的领导力。只有这样,韩国才能维护好自己在国际社会上爱好和平的模范国家形象。这在解决朝鲜半岛问题上,最终会成为赢得国际社会支持的原动力。 韩国目前人均国民收入(GNI)已达到2万美元以上,总人口数超过5000万人,是所谓“20-50俱乐部”的第7个成员国,从规范和形态的层面上来看,都已经具备满足枢纽中坚国家的条件。当强国与强国之间、中坚国家与弱小国家之间构建多边体制时,韩国作为最具人气的中坚国伙伴国家,同时拥有在地区体制中能够发挥一定影响力的“硬实力”,以及在人类安全领域中能够发挥主导性作用的“软实力”。韩国应该扮演好这样的中坚国角色。 在朝鲜半岛,除了朝鲜以外,韩国所面对的国家都是强国。特别是同时握着中美两国的手,要同时面对处于竞争关系中的中·美两个强国。韩国想要在中·美两国之间,成功地推行具有进取性、创意性以及可预测性的外交,而非察言观色、左右附和,更应该积极实行枢纽中坚国家外交战略。 枢纽中坚国家外交指不盲从于强国主导的地区秩序,将其转化为有利于本国的形态,进行个性化参与的外交。即,在强国主导的现有秩序中,通过“制定新规范”(norm making),构建更有利于区域内多数国家的地区秩序。为达成此目标,与“志同道合”(Like minded)的枢纽中坚国家们一起,建立包括小范围多边体制(mini-Multilateralism)在内的多种多边体制,这便是枢纽中坚国家外交。 在亚洲地区,有些枢纽中坚国家正处于与韩国类似的地区安全环境中。因中国的快速崛起,澳大利亚、印度尼西亚、印度、泰国、菲律宾等中坚国家对中国的经济依赖度正急速增加。另一方面,作为中国的邻国,这些国家可能与中国存在领土纠纷,也可能正感受着来自中国的多种安全威胁。他们也是与美国建立了同盟关系或正在同美国改善关系的国家。韩国有必要与志同道合的中坚国家建立联合阵线(coalition building),构建一个能对区域内小范围多边主义形态的地区安保以及经济问题进行讨论,并且能够谋求对策的中坚国地区协议体。 目前,有多种多边体制能够对区域内的安全及经济问题进行讨论。东南亚国家联盟地区论坛(ARF)、亚洲太平洋经济合作组织(APEC)、东亚首脑会议(EAS)正在启动,香格里拉对话每年如期举行。从2003年到最近一段时间,为了解决朝核问题还多次举行了六方会谈。朴槿惠政府为推进东北亚和平合作构想(NAPCI),正在举办东北亚和平合作论坛。首尔安保对话从2015开始定期举行。虽然通过此类多边体制,一直对成员国之间的信赖构筑方案、预防外交等问题进行着讨论,但事实上并没有办法确认其对强化区域内国家安保到底有多大帮助。最重要的是,强国参与了区域内的全部多边体制。参加东北亚和平合作论坛的国家便包括韩国、朝鲜、蒙古、俄罗斯以及美国和中国。在中美两国之间的对立日益加深的背景下,现有的多边体制在强化地区安保方面能够发挥出怎样的建设性作用,还是个未知数。 作为区域内具有代表性的枢纽中坚国,韩国、印度尼西亚、澳大利亚等国有必要规划构建一个只属于中坚国的地区多边协议体。夹在中美两国之间,处于类似的经济及安全环境中的中坚国们,应构建一个对话体,为共同协调区域内经济及安保环境的变化,筹备构建中坚国家地区协议体。在与ARF等相似的全面多边体制中,对热点问题进行深层次讨论并且制定、履行相关行动计划是很难的。虽然NAPCI讨论的热点问题和所追求的目标是恰当合理的,但由于局限在东北亚地区内,因此,从各个参加国的立场出发,进行有建设性的讨论并且拿出可行的方案并不是一件容易的事情。 韩国作为枢纽中坚国,有必要推进建立一个跳出东北亚地区,以小范围多边主义形态构成的中坚国家地区协议体,使其成为中坚国家们的聚会。夹在中美两国之间,处在类似的经济及安全环境的中坚国家们,只有在尽量避免强国参与的情况下,凝聚共识,将此发展为中坚国家之间的聚会,才能提高成功的可能性。并且,越是小范围内的多边体制越能更加有效率地运作。在气候变化、核安全及安保、网络安保等热点领域中,NAPCI追求的是加强制度上的合作。需要重新进行构思的东亚和平合作体,在NAPCI所追求的多种人类安全热点问题中,应该将重点放在强化亚洲地区国家间的制度合作上。 我们有必要以韩国、澳大利亚、印度尼西亚等为中心,构建小范围多边体制,在可持续发展、自然灾害、海上运输通道保护、人权保护、人道主义援助、恐怖主义、网络安全、维和活动等特定的人类安全领域中,构建增进制度性合作的方案,开发相关的自主议程(agenda)。为了让这些议程能够被ARF、APEC、EAS等更大规模的地区多边体制采纳为议题,东亚和平合作体应该起到催化剂的作用。 目前,中坚国家协议体中,有由5个国家共同成立的“中等强国合作体”(MIKTA)。墨西哥、印度尼西亚、韩国、土耳其、澳大利亚等五个国家,除了“中坚国家”这一个共同点以外,相互并不存在特殊的利害关系,也并没有已经达成共识的明确的议题。因此,有指责称中等强国合作体(MIKTA)与只不过是咖啡俱乐部(coffee club)。由亚洲地区的枢纽中坚国家共同构建的东亚和平合作体,应该以能够引起区域内大多数国家共鸣的实际议题为中心,在区域内发展成能够发挥影响力的联合体。为此,不应把与东亚和平合作体的特定会员国有直接联系的热点问题当作议题,才是对未来发展较为有利的。也就是说,韩国在“东亚和平合作体”中,不应该把朝核问题当作议题。朝核问题应该在其他多边体制中讨论,在东亚和平合作体中,应该将亚洲大多数国家共同面对的人类安全热点问题当作议题,为改善地区经济以及安全环境作出更大贡献。 小范围多边东亚和平合作体要通过同时与中美两国进行沟通,来说服中美两国,构建“说服外交”,使区域内国家在地区安全问题上与美国展开合作,在地区经济问题上,与美国和日本以及中国和俄罗斯展开积极合作。还要积极参与到亚洲基础设施投资银行(AIIB)中,对南中国海和东中国海的自由航行权发出一致的呼声。 为了不让强国们根据自己国家的利益和国力重组地区秩序,东亚和平合作体应该成为中坚国家们采取积极态度,追求进取性和创意性外交合作的场所。我们期待在世界和平之岛——济州岛上,能够制定出实现亚洲地区的和平与繁荣的议题,并且期待这一小范围多边枢纽中坚国家们的聚会正式启动的那一天。
  • 国际机构的建立或申办 조회수 4
    저자
    国际机构的建立或申办
    발간호
    2017-02
    国际机构的建立或申办   世界和平之岛济州的17个主要项目之一就是建立或申办国际机构。作为联合国训练研究所(United Nations Institute for Training and Research, UNITAR)的第9个国际研修中心,联合国训练研究所济州国际研修中心(UNITAR CIFAL Jeju/Jeju International Training Center)于2010年正式成立。   1.联合国训练研究所   联合国训练研究所成立于1965年,主要职能是为联合国成员国提供环境、和平、安全等领域的训练。现在总部位于瑞士日内瓦,为了对联合国成员国地方政府进行能力培养,在全世界15个地区开设了总部下属的国际研修中心(CIFAL)。   各研修中心针对特定的领域开设了专业化的培训课程,全世界各国际研修中心的现况如下:     UNITAR国际研修中心现况(2017. 10为准) 号码 国家名 地区名 主要职能 1 大韩民国 济州 城市规划与管理、经济开发、社会整合、环境持续性等2030议程相关能力培养 2 美国 亚特兰大 经济开发、社会整合等2030议程相关能力培养 3 墨西哥 梅里达 城市规划与管理、经济开发 4 巴西 库里蒂巴 城市规划与管理、经济开发、社会整合、环境持续性等2030议程相关能力培养 5 厄瓜多尔 基多 城市规划与管理、经济开发、社会整合、环境持续性 6 萨尔瓦多 萨尔瓦多 城市规划与管理、经济开发、社会整合、环境持续性等2030议程相关能力培养 7 阿根廷 阿根廷 可持续发展目标 8 南非共和国 德班 城市规划与管理、经济开发、社会整合、环境持续性等2030议程相关能力培养 9 阿尔及利亚 马格利布 城市规划与管理 10 瑞士 苏黎世 城市规划与管理、经济开发、社会整合、环境持续性等2030议程相关能力培养 11 澳大利亚 纽卡素 城市规划与管理、社会整合等2030议程相关能力培养 12 波兰 普沃茨克 城市规划与管理、经济开发、 环境持续性等2030议程相关能力培养 13 比利时 弗兰德斯 城市规划与管理、经济开发、社会整合、环境持续性等2030议程相关能力培养 14 菲律宾 菲律宾 移民与开发 15 中国 上海 城市规划与管理、经济开发     2. 联合国训练研究所济州国际研修中心     济州国际研修中心首先是2008年10月由联合国秘书长特别助理向国际平和财团提意设立联合国训练所济州中心,然后国际平和财团于2010年3月与济州特别自治道和联合国训练研究所3方共同签署了MOU(谅解备记录)后于2010年10月13日成立。 济州国际研修中心现位于西归浦市中文观光区济州国际平和中心内,主要为亚太地区的高级别公务员与社会领导者等就环境和人类安全、可持续旅游等相关政策每年提供10多次的能力强化培训课程,另外每年还举行20多次针对青年与市民的能力强化教育课程。 济州国际研修中心从2010年开始到现在分别就环境国际研讨会、人类安全国际研讨会、专家研讨会、全国大学生研讨会、专家研讨会等领域实施了共87个培训课程,有571个国家的3196名人员参加了培训。         济州国际研修中心未来的发展计划如下: 第一,将引领UNITAR国际研修中心网的国际合作。今年首次举行了亚洲太平洋地区研修中心网国际合作会议,各方一致认为应该通过区域内各中心的合作来提高培训效果。UNITAR总部也通过会议表明了对区域内合作项目的积极支持态度。预计在今年11月的UNITAR国际网运营年会上UNITAR总部将正式对谋求地区间合作与中心间共同合作相关问题进行商议。 第二,UNITAR济州国际研修中心将正式扩大与国际机构间的合作。 UNITAR济州国际研修中心与联合国环境规划署(UNEP)以8月份UNEP执行主任访韩时交换合作意向书为契机,将从明年开始正式开展合作项目。另外,UN亚洲太平洋经济社会委员会(ESCAP)与亚太地区国际研修中心网将共同举行能力强化研讨会。 第三,计划进一步扩大与世界地方政府联盟(United Cities and Local Governments)的共同项目。 在持续扩大UCLG亚太支部的成员政府能力强化项目的同时,把UCLG文化部分委员会与第2届UCLG文化领导人会议作为后续项目计划于明年举行国际青年文化论坛。 第四,为了扩大国际社会一体化,正在培养积极投入到实现UN的可持续发展目标的青年们,通过世界市民教育培训提高普通市民的参与意志。为了使青少年们参与到社会一体化,将于2016年11月举行国际青少年论坛,为提高和加强济州市民们的国际市民意识,正在运营以教师为对象的世界市民培训课程,计划从2017年开始把教育对象扩大至公务员和市民。 最后,我们还将持续维持和强化与有关国际机构及专门机关间的合作网。持续维持与已经构建合作关系的联合国开发计划署(UNDP)、 联合国环境规划署(UNDP)、联合国亚太经济与社会委员会 (UNESCAP)、联合国国际减灾战略研究所(UNISDR)、世界旅游组织(UNWTO)、国际移民组织(IOM)、巴厘进程秘书处(RSO)、国际绿色成长组织(GGGI)、可持续旅游委员会(GSTC)、联合国教科文组织亚太国际理解教育中心(UNESCO APCIEU)等国际组织间的合作关系,同时将强化与韩国国内的专业机构(绿色技术中心、技术保证基金、韩国能源技术研究所、首尔大学亚太研究所、韩国国际合作团、国际开发合作学会、韩国地区信息开发院、高丽大学韩亚开发合作中心、国际绿色之城论坛、国际电动汽车博览会、韩国环境产业技术院、济州观光公社、济州大学)进行合作。  
  • UNITAR 济州国际研修中心的进化是未来进行时 조회수 4
    저자
    马宁三 (UNITAR 济州国际研修中心 所长)
    발간호
    2017-02
    UNITAR 济州国际研修中心的进化是未来进行时   [caption id="" align="alignright" width="150"] 马宁三UNITAR 济州国际研修中心 所长[/caption] 一个7岁的人可能是刚刚迈进小学读1~2年级的学生,对所有的事物都还是懵懵懂懂的。那么对于一个将数百年历史引以为傲的国际组织来说,7年的岁月也只能算是萌芽期的零起点阶段。但是成立7年的UNITAR(联合国训练研究所)济州国际研修中心的情况就要另当别论了。它在国际组织不毛之地的济州,依托广大市民的殷切期望和大力支持,自2010年成立后,就马不停蹄地向前奔跑着。通过不断扩大项目规模和追求质的改善,最终我们中心在全世界15个UNITAR的地区研修中心(CIAFAL Global Network) 中被评为最优机关。尽管如此我们也决不满足于现状,仍然在积极探索变化和改革。   济州国际修研中心肩负的最大使命就是为亚太地区发展中国家政府的公务员和市民社会领导者举行能力培养研讨会,从而达成UN所追求的17个领域的可持续发展目标(SDGs)。另外,我们还致力于为青少年开展国际化教育和训练,并协助济州市民走向世界化。   通过研讨会的能力开发项目和国际开发合作项目(ODA)是一脉相通的。虽然现在UN提出各国的国际开发合作规模应该达到国内生产总值(GDP)的0.7%,但是韩国政府却远远未能达到该标准。所以通过济州国际研修中心的活动来填补韩国政府在国际开发合作项目上的空缺,意义深远。我们一刻也没有忘记国际开发合作的主要目的就是为了帮助那些陷入艰难处境的国家。所以在项目推进上,哪怕是一分钱我们也要精打细算,尽可能的减少人工费支出,为了能够获得更多的项目预算,我们始终坚持不懈地努力着。   提高研讨会水平的方法之一就是确保优良的讲师队伍。我们主要优先聘请实力得到认可的联合国组织所属的专家。特别是落户于韩国的国际组织高达20个,我们把重心放在引进这些机构的优秀专家上。不仅如此,我们还根据研讨会的主题邀请韩国国内的专家和学者传授韩国长期以来积累的经验和技巧,为各国日后发展推进相应的领域与韩国进行对接打下基础,并为韩国专家及企业的对外投资创造机会。我们尽最大的努力极大限度扩大研讨会的长期效果。   济州国际研修中心正在引领真正的国际化。我们计划与把我们中心作为范本,与去年诞生的澳大利亚研修中心携手共同开展可持续旅游及青年研修领域的研讨会项目。以去年9月举行的主题为“文化旅游与可持续发展”的国际研讨会为契机,同时还召开了UNITAR亚太地区网络构建会议(Cifal Asia-Pacific Network Meeting)。除了韩国、澳大利亚、中国、菲律宾等地区的中心代表之外,UNITAR本部的代表也参加了此次会议并取得了突出的成果。   现在各国的研修中心在运营方面都面临着各种各样的困难和挑战。家家有本难念的经,预算和人员不足是每个机关最大的绊脚石。所以这次亚太地区研修中心的所长们相聚在一起把问题放到桌面上共同商讨了解决方案。   正所谓人多力量大,全新的解决方案应运而生。首先各中心通过共享现在正在推进的下年度项目计划后找出共同点,以此为基础,在相同的项目上,大家都同意中心之间协商举行共同研讨会的可能性。各中心可以通过共同出资扩大预算规模,另外还可以将各中心拥有的专家讲师名单进行统计并灵活运用。大家还认为应该积极运用各中心以前积累的经验和模范事例(Best Practices)。如此一来这种让人拍手称赞的双赢事业框架就此成型。   本次亚太地区网络会议是自UNITAR地区研修中心诞生以来的一个创举,其实效性得到了高度的评价,以后它将不只局限于亚太地区,对于欧洲、中南美等各地区网络的形成也将起到催化剂作用。今年11月在日内瓦举行的UNITAR地区中心年会(Steering Committee meeting of the CIFAL Global Network)上这个意见被立即采纳,甚至还有人还提出了应该超越地域范围。也就是说15个UNITAR地区中心和本部在举办共同参加的国际研讨会问题上达成了共识。例如:举行主题为“气候变化和新再生能源”的综合研讨会时,邀请发展中国家政府公务员或市民社会的领导人与各地区中心代表及专家讲师们一起共享知识和经验。在此期间同时举行地区中心年会就可以产生一石二鸟的效果。当然选出总代表也是一项艰巨的任务。开启联合国研修中心历史新篇章的构想不言而喻会遇到许许多多的困难和挫折,但是由此而获得的丰硕成果和非凡成也让我们毫不畏惧地迎接挑战。   济州国际研修中心追求的另一个发展方向就是与各个国际组织的合作。到目前为止,我们已经和韩国国内的大部分机关形成了合作框架,并扩大推进合作。特别是去年8月在联合国环境计划署(United Nations Environment Program)执行主任埃里克·索尔海姆访韩期间与之交换了合作意向书,在环境、气候变化、新再生能源等领域开展推进了共同合作项目。另外还为UNITAR亚太地区中心间的合作构建了基础框架,推进了与联合国亚太地区组织的ESCAP的共同项目合作。   事实上最近济州国际研修中心已经接到了来自各个国际机关的合作建议。今年9月在曼谷举行“企业和社会责任” (CSR)会议的同时也开展了环境研讨会,10月在大阪举行 “有恢复力的城市”相关国际研讨会,11月在柬埔寨也将举行共同国际研讨会。这些合作机关对我们中心也抱有极大的期待。   UNITAR地区中心推进的项目是否能取得成功,关键在于各国的研修人员回国后是否能把研修中所学的内容很好的运用到本国政府推进的项目中。所以济州国际研修中心的研修内容并非以理论而是以“行动导向”为重点核心。   打开济州研修中心的网页可以看到“研讨会后续跟进(Post-Workshop)”与“模范案例”(Best Practices)部分。参加济州研讨会的人员在实际开展政策、项目及活动时,可以把相关内容上传到网站让其它国家的同事们互学互鉴从而大胆地试图各种创新改进,选拔出认真履行工作和开展优秀案例的人员聘请为研讨会讲师并进行表彰等。获奖的研修生们一定能感受到晋升为讲师的成就和喜悦。   研讨会参加者在回到本国6个月后会收到一张明信片。明信片中记载了本人在参加研修期间承诺回国后实际要推进的项目等内容。这样不仅可以确认自已的初心是否动摇,是否按照当初的承诺在推进项目,还创造了一个自我判断和反省的机会。   不仅如此,我们中心还将在国外举行研讨会时,邀请相应国家以往参加过研修项目的人员参加“同学会”。让大家能够相互分享和交流现在正在推进的项目内容,互相交换相关信息,另外济州研修中心方面也尽量提供力所能及的帮助。相当于提供“研修中心后期服务”。   我们中心位于风景如画的济州,依托济州道政府强大的财政支援,研修中心也致力于通过活动把普惠重新还原给济州市民社会。济州国际研修中心重点关注的主题,亦是济州具有优势的 “可持续旅游(sustainable tourism)”领域和电动汽车等“新再生能源”领域 。未来在创造商业合作时,也可以与济州道的商业进行对接。   除此之外,我们也将为济州道民和济州道内学生参与世界市民教育作出相应贡献。目前每年约开展20个活动,在选拔韩方参加人员时济州道民可以享受优先权。在去年8月举行的主题为“可持续旅游青年的社会参与”的第10届青年研讨会上,济州道内的学生一开始虽然非常腼腆,但是随着研讨会的展开,他们很快进入角色积极参与讨论,展现了非凡的实力。由于济州市民和学生们参加大型国际活动的机会比内陆的市民要少得多,自然会处于不利的位置,所以济州研修中心也在竭力试图填补两者之间的差距。   ​济州道正在不断地推进国际化,为了成功实现这一目标,济州市民必须具备绝对的国际化意识,所以我们一直在为提供优秀的讲师和精良的课程而不断地努力和探索着。由于各种各样的因素,UNITAR济州国际研修中心的未来进化即是现在进行时,也是未来进行时。       * 马宁三 现 UNITAR济州国际研修中心所长。高丽大学政治外交系毕业后于1981年进入韩国外交部(前外务部,第15届外务考试)。曾任驻以色列大使、首任公共外交大使、驻丹麦大使。现任国际乒乓球联合会(ITTF)裁判委员长。主要著作有《现代国际法》(共)(2000)、《21世纪联合国和韩国》(共)(2002)、《Sports Relations in East Asia, Theory and Practice》(共)(2014)等。
  • 济州智慧城市建设方向 조회수 4
    저자
    济州智慧城市建设方向
    발간호
    2017-01
    济州智慧城市建设方向 智慧城市作为以ICT(information and Communication Technology, 信息通信技术) 为基础的融合产业结晶体,指的是未来型的尖端城市。从环境、交通、公共设施、建设产业等社会基干产业到每家每户的电灯等小家电领域,其功能相互间进行着有机连接,大大提高了市民生活质量,使生活效率达到最大化,智慧城市便是这种新概念城市。 济州特别自治道不仅致力于改善济州居民及游客们的生活质量,并且克服了作为岛屿的区域性限制因素,将重点放在了构建智慧城市上。2016年,济州道曾入选“IDC亚太区智慧城市大奖”的获奖候选城市。 目前,济州特别自治道正致力于以下几个方面。第一,通过实施符合济州实际情况的能源政策(太阳能-风能)来构建智慧城市,并且通过能源政策进行新工业革命,继续将济州打造成“零碳岛”。第二,地方政府、民营企业以及民间社会组织作为应对气候变化的实践主体,提升三者之间的合作伙伴关系,是实现全球合作、全球治理的一个重要环节。第三,通过发展电动汽车来解决交通问题,并建立与环境保护、能源生产相连接的机制,构建智能观光岛。未来,济州型智慧城市的建设原则将对韩国智慧城市的发展起到决定性的作用。 第一,作为尽可能不破坏自然环境的智慧能源城市,这是一座能够从大自然中汲取能源、将碳排放降至最低点、实施尽可能不破坏自然环境的能源政策的城市。第二,作为自然环保型智慧城市,这不仅是一座将开发控制在最小限度内的城市,还是一座适合居住、市场经济活跃的城市,更是一座拥有着充满生命力的文化艺术的城市。第三,作为考虑到人们出行安全的智慧交通城市,这是一座“不以车为主,而以人为本”的城市,拥有着既重视环保,又重视人身安全的系统。 第四,这是一座注重教育和规划,拥有温和民主领导力的智慧城市。这是将国际电工委员会秘书长弗朗兹•乌维斯维克提议的重视教育与规划的领导力的内容与济州特别自治道道知事元喜龙提出的温和民主领导力相结合的模式,这出自于统一与推进、包容与融合兼顾的领导力提案。第五,作为保护市民安全、实现防灾防害的智慧防灾城市,目前正是需要使用各种智能装备,构建保护市民安全、防灾防害系统的重要时期。 为了成功构建济州型智慧城市,首先,需要将济州型智慧城市规定为重视人与自然的城市,并有必要对此进行广泛宣传。更要重点强调的是,比起效率更加注重安全,比起速更加注重稳定,比起科学性更加注重以人为本。第二,在济州岛构建全球智慧城市共同体本部,发挥研究及政策提议职能,通过相互讨论及信息交流来发挥智慧城市本部的作用,打造智慧城市模型。第三,有必要确立基本计划,将济州道正在推进的全球环保平台建设项目、零碳岛项目、创造经济革新中心及其连接项目、电动汽车、太阳能和风能等进行连接,构建未来济州型智慧城市,第四,为筹建智慧城市,有必要制定能够提供计划和支援的条例,并对此进行管理,确立筹建计划,建立能够实施具体计划、起到本部作用的责任部门。第五,作为能够接触到智慧城市各种系统的开放平台,有必要开发智能手机应用程序等,并进行广泛地宣传。第六,因智慧城市以ICT为基础,因此,有必要关注保安问题,强化系统,构建各种设备和个人终端设备之间能够相互交换数据的巨大ICT系统。由于这可能引发一系列新型社会犯罪,因此,构建事前防范保安系统极为重要。第七,应像重视设备基础设施一样重视数据基础设施,打造能够自然驱动数据处理匹配软件的智慧城市。       超连接性是智慧城市的基本,通过移动通信,人与人、人与物、物与物之间的连接性逐渐加强,因此,有必要全面改变现行行政系统并构建服务领域,进而从商业领域着手。在交通方面,济州道则有必要发展利用电动汽车的共享形态以及大众交通的无人驾驶技术。 例如,拿城市来说,解决道路拥挤的办法是扩宽道路,但在智慧城市,则可以通过数据基础对车辆进行管控,通过共享来解决交通问题。为应对智慧城市存在的危险因素,有关部门需要对新保安技术进行检验,在大数据方面,由于大量的资料有暴露的可能,因此,有必要对危险因素进行分析,制定相应的应对方案,并按照各种情况、各种危险因素制定有针对性的应对方案。 韩国的人口数量在逐渐减少,并且韩国还面临着老龄化社会问题及其他灾难和危险。为了维持城市的管理,韩国需要探索新的方向,构建智慧城市的重要性也日益凸显。智慧城市技术适用于生活领域,适用技术和工业化技术尤为重要。济州岛在地理位置上处于实践商业化的最佳地点,因此,需要开发、使用符合本地区情况的技术。济州岛更是构建智慧城市的最佳地点,比起执着于技术研发,应该更加重视合理的治理以及以人为本的精神。未来,我们将会把济州型智慧城市模式构建成可向全世界的岛屿城市出口的商业模式。   归纳了自2017年5月31日至6月2日在“和平与繁荣济州论坛”中举行的“全球济州”会话的主要内容。 http://www.jejuforum.or.kr/m21_program_view.php?idx=596&day=2&year=2017
  • 吸引和平相关国际会议在济州召开 조회수 4
    저자
    吸引和平相关国际会议在济州召开
    발간호
    2017-01
    吸引和平相关国际会议在济州召开   在济州召开的重要和平相关国际会议如下。自2002年起,由外交部同联合国亚太和平和裁军中心联合举办的国际裁军•非扩散会议每年都会在济州召开。另外,2008年5月第一次韩•中•日外交安保合作论坛、2009年6月韩•东盟特别首脑会议、2010年5月韩•中•日首脑会议等也连续在济州召开。     年度 时间 会议名称 2006 1. 20-21 Asian ASEM高层管理会议 2007 3.1 - 4. 1 韩•日外交部长会议 1. 3 韩•中•日外交部长会议 6.7-9 全球化时代战争与和平国际学术会议 2008 2. 18-19 第4次韩•美•日安保研讨会 2. 22-23 韩•蒙和平经济会议 5. 26-28 第1次韩•中•日外交安保论坛 11. 24-26 第7次国际裁军•非扩散会议 12. 9-10 第2次韩•中亚合作论坛 2009 6.1-2 韩•东盟特别首脑会议 11.16-18 第8次国际裁军•非扩散会议 2010 5.29-30 韩•中•日首脑会议 12. 2-3 第9次国际裁军•非扩散会议 2011 3.17-18 第1次韩•中•日反恐合作会议 3.28-4.1 2011 韩•中•日 FTA产官学联合研究 5. 17-20 2011 禁毒局国际合作会议 5.17~20 2011 国际核合作框架 7. 5-7 核非扩散国际会议第2次亚太安全措施网络大会 9. 20-23 第12届国际核石墨专家会议 10. 13-14 第8次韩•中东合作论坛 10. 19-21 2011环太平洋安全研讨会 11. 7-8 第10次国际裁军•非扩散会议 2012 12. 3-4 第11次国际裁军•非扩散会议 2013 11. 14-15 第12次国际裁军•非扩散会议 2014 12. 4-5 第13次国际裁军•非扩散会议 2016 11.17-18 第15次国际裁军•非扩散会议 2017 11.16-17 第16次国际裁军•非扩散会议    
  • 以对话促进和平 조회수 4
    저자
    韩仁泽 (济州和平研究院)
    발간호
    2017-01
    以对话促进和平   [caption id="" align="alignright" width="150"] 韩仁泽济州和平研究院[/caption] 作为世界和平之岛,济州岛一直在致力于促进和平合作。为了实现这一目标,最重要的方法之一,便是在济州岛举办能够促进和平合作的会谈与国际会议。从东北亚各大城市出发,无需签证即可登陆济州岛。来往便利,景色秀美,济州岛也因此成为了举行国际会议与会谈的最佳场所。   正因如此,济州岛如今已多次举办过双边、三边以及多边首脑会议。大约在30年前,韩国历史上最为重要的一次首脑会议便在这里举行。冷战刚一结束,当时的新任总统卢泰愚便提出“北方政策”(北方外交)。韩国在新的北方政策的指导下,开始尝试着向曾经的“敌对国家”伸出橄榄枝。例如,韩国曾向前苏联和中国寻求外交关系正常化,最终的目标自然是朝鲜。韩国的努力最终取得了成果。1990年9月,韩国与前苏联实现两国外交关系正常化。次年,前苏联总统米哈伊尔•戈尔巴乔夫考虑到朝鲜的立场,提议在距离首尔和朝鲜都相对较远的地点举行首脑会议,最终选定了济州岛作为首脑会议的举办地。 韩国总统卢泰愚同前苏联总统米哈伊尔•戈尔巴乔夫间的会晤,为冷战结束做出了贡献。同时也在整个区域社会掀起了将济州岛发展为“和平之岛”的运动。此后,多次首脑会议接连在济州岛举行。1996年4月,韩国总统金泳三在济州岛同美国总统比尔•克林顿进行了会晤,此后又在济州岛会见了日本首相桥本龙太郎。中华人民共和国国家主席江泽民也曾访问济州岛。在造访期间,江泽民主席的钢琴演奏一度成为热议话题。济州岛曾多次举办过首脑会议,2009年以及2010年,分别举办了韩国—东盟特别首脑会议以及中日韩三国首脑会议,预计未来也将有更多的首脑会议在济州岛举行。 济州岛也是成功举办区域内核裁军及核不扩散对话的场所之一。2002年以后,韩国政府和联合国裁军事务厅(UNODA: United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs)通过联合国和平与裁军亚太地区中心(UNRCPD: Regional Center for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific),每年都在济州岛举办“核裁军及核不扩散联合会议 (Joint Conference on Disarmament and Non-proliferation Issue)”。各国政府、政府间组织、政策研究所、学界以及非政府组织的代表前来参加每年的例行会议,与会者对核裁军及军费控制、安保问题等我们所面临的重要挑战性任务以及潜在的解决方案进行了坦诚地、建设性地讨论,年度例行会议成为了与会者们进行讨论的一个重要场所,特别是对区域内裁军及核不扩散问题进行着重点讨论。 每年春天,数千人为了共商和平与繁荣齐聚济州。年度例行活动“为实现和平与繁荣的济州论坛”创立于2001年,旨在“以对话促和平、以合作谋发展”。前任及现任国家元首、世界级大型企业CEO、著名学者等亚洲和国际社会上的知名人士齐聚济州论坛。不只是这些知名人士,任何向往和平的人,都可以参加济州论坛。济州论坛继承并发扬了首脑会议的传统,不仅与友国,还与过去的敌对国家共商和平问题。济州论坛的主办单位为济州和平研究院。 2011年,第八届韩·中东合作论坛在济州岛举行。2003年,论坛首次在埃及开罗举办,韩国和中东具有较高影响力的领导人与著名学者们相聚于年度例行会议,分享了知识,交换了意见。济州和平研究院与阿联酋战略研究中心共同举办了八届韩·中东合作论坛。 韩·中东合作论坛在韩国和中东轮流举办,随后,后续论坛在阿布扎比、安曼、科威特等中东城市接连举办。在此期间,虽然举办地和阿拉伯方面的共同主办单位一直在换,但自2011年起,济州和平研究院一直担任着韩方的主办单位。2016年11月,济州和平研究院在科威特与韩国—阿拉伯协会及科威特外交战略研究中心合作,成功举办了第12届韩·中东合作论坛。 中东是世界上历史最悠久的文化及文明发祥地,如今却被矛盾与纠纷所笼罩。韩国人民与阿拉伯人民为了增进和平合作,通过韩·中东合作论坛,分享着彼此的经验与知识,共同致力于构建更加美好的未来。济州和平研究院也希望通过主办韩·中东合作论坛,为中东地区的和平合作贡献出自己微薄的力量。
  • The Way to Construct Jeju’s Eco-Friendly Regional Transportation Infrastructure for Sustainable City 조회수 4
    저자
    KANG Gichoon (President, Jeju Research Institute), YANG Keunyul Vice (President, Korea Railroad Research Institute), MOON Youngjun (Chief Director, Korea Transport Institute), LEE Yongtak (Director General, JIBS), KIM Kyuho (Professor, Gyeongju University)
    발간호
    2017-09
    The Way to Construct Jeju’s Eco-Friendly Regional Transportation Infrastructure for Sustainable City     Currently, The Jeju Island, which is seeking to be a Free International City dishonorably ranked the highest increase on traffic accidents and traffic incidence rate among local cities in the Korea. Also, the city infrastructure is threatened by rapid expansion of the highest growth rate of population and tourists. The Jeju aims to reach one million population and attract 20 millions of tourists as a medium and long-term goal in the future. Hence, Jeju Special Self-Governing Province declared that it would construct circularly regional traffic system (including 4 regional bases) based on the Complex Transfer Center of Jeju International Airport in the Public Transportation Master Revision Plan on August, 2016. In this session, we would like to invite experts for transportation and to discuss the most suitable traffic system in the island. In addition, we will debate if it helps for sustainable development of Jeju Island.   The following are excerpts from the final report of the Jeju Forum 2017.   Chair PARK Hyunchul Director General, Jeju Free International City Development Center   Keynote Speaker PAK Jaimo Director, Jeju Free International City Development Center   Discussant KANG Gichoon President, Jeju Research Institute YANG Keunyul Vice President, Korea Railroad Research Institute MOON Youngjun Chief Director, Korea Transport Institute LEE Yongtak Director General, JIBS KIM Kyuho Professor, Gyeongju University         PAK Jaimo  Along with a steady increase in annual figures for the number of tourists coming to Jeju, there has also been an increase in the permanent population, making for a positive influence on tax revenues and the regional economy. However, it affects the urban infrastructure, including problems with housing, water supply and sewage, waste treatment, parking, transportation and traffic. In fact most pending issues, which stem from the increases in tourism and population have to do with basic infrastructure and are forcing us to come up with better means of tourist transport and ecofriendly regional mass transit systems for the sake of the environment. New ecofriendly means of transportation to consider, in terms of what they might symbolize for Jeju as a tourist destination and their suitability for an island region include bus rapid transit, which is a system whereby express buses run in dedicated lanes or arterial roads monorail trains, and trams. This will also require an efficient system of connections, including multimodal transfer stations.   If we were to construct a maglev railway connecting Jeju International Airport to Jungmun Resort with seven trains running on a line with ten stops and a train arriving every 15 minutes, the construction would cost about 1.3 trillion won and require about 47 billion won a year to operate. This is such an important piece of infrastructure that it should be part of the national budget. Comparing the per kilometer construction cost of the Incheon International Airport maglev line, the Daegu Metro Line 3 monorail, and the Pangyo Tram(scheduled to open in the city of Seongnam in 2020), we find that the cost of the maglev came to 64.6 billion won, the monorail cost 62.3 billion won, and the tram will cost 28.8 billion won per kilometer. This makes the tram the least expensive option, and while trams are good for urban transit, their speed limitations make them less suitable for transportation over a broader region. An official recognition is not normally granted for a transport system that does not connect cities or counties, but operates within a metropolitan jurisdiction, and on an island no less, so this will make it difficult for Jeju to acquire such funding. Thus we must generate interest in our projects at the Ministry of Transport by conducting successful demonstration projects and providing the logical basis and evidence needed to change the relevant legislation so that we will be eligible for the national governmental financial support.   LEE Yongtak  Since Jeju became a Special Self-Governing Province, it has focused on attracting foreign capital, but has not devoted enough attention to constructing such basic urban facilities as transportation infrastructure. In connection with this, the citizenry and the provincial government have to be in agreement, but we have been lacking in this regard as well. There are some big hurdles in the way to improve the transportation system. These included getting the citizenry and the provincial government on the same page, as already mentioned, and getting support from the national government. We also absolutely need the cooperation of related organizations. To succeed at creating a regional transportation network suited to Jeju, there are a number of tasks that have to be completed first, including raising the awareness of citizens, securing a basic traffic system that allows for 60-minute travel between any two points on the island without difficulty, diversifying the options and focus of public relations functions, and working out measures to make full use of road capacity. We also need transit centers at the entry points to the downtown area. It is important to get the local residents on board, and for this we have to hold public hearings that bring the locals into the process, even if it may delay the project. We also need a promotion strategy that makes good use of the provincial media.   MOON Youngjun  In Seoul and its suburbs, public transportation accounts for nearly 40 percent of all traffic, but the public transportation system is insufficiently interconnected in Jeju so that most tourists rent a car. Until last year, most of the parking space at Jeju International Airport was taken up by rental cars. I think that, if the parking lot in front of Jeju Airport had been turned into a transit center sooner, getting to Jungmun Resort, Seogwipo, and other parts of the island would have been much more convenient and the car rental companies could have moved their bases to those other regions.   We need to consider regional transport options other than just buses, such as trams, maglev trains, or monorail systems. More than anything, it is important that we avoid building infrastructure that could be harmful to clean environment in Jeju. With that in mind, trams would be the best option to consider. The trams could run without the need for special structures such as overhead lines in the central parts of the city, but could use overhead line power outside the downtown areas. Unlike maglev trains or monorails, the trams would not spoil the natural scenery. While making the trams the main system of regional transit, we could control the rental cars coming into the city, introducing electric cars and self-driving cars. At the International Electric Vehicle Expo held in Jeju in March, there were discussions about rapidly spreading electric-vehicle and self-driving technologies and policies and about how they will enhance mobility and lead to intelligent transit systems in the cities of the future. I anticipate that Jeju could become the first model of such an intelligent transit system.   YANG Keunyul  The traffic problems that Jeju Island is currently experiencing stem from transportation policies that are centered on passenger cars. This is not unique to Jeju but rather is a problem faced by developed countries all over the world. This can be understood to mean that transportation policies that focus on passenger cars will not lead to a solution to serious traffic congestion. Also, transport policies are distorted by the difference in competitiveness between different means of transportation, whose fares are set without considering the indirect costs, such as the expenses incurred to pay for traffic police and electricity for streetlights, and external costs of road use. We need to make competition fair by bringing those indirect and external costs to bear on how fares are set.   Jeju Special Self-Governing Province has the highest ratio of automobile ownership per person and per household in all of Korea. We have reached the limits of what a transport policy centered on passenger cars can do. In view of the projected permanent population and increases in tourism, we need to introduce high capacity public transit systems that would be sufficient for a city with a population of a million. Just increasing the number of electric vehicles will not solve the problem of capacity, we need to bring in ecofriendly means of transportation. Among the new transportation options being considered are maglev trains, monorails, and trams, but in my opinion, trams would be the most suitable for Jeju. Although trams are a bit slow for use over a broad region, there are tram trains that make up for this. They run like ordinary trams in central urban areas but can travel at speeds similar to railroad trains outside of urban centers. Such light rail transit systems are currently in operation in Karlsruhe, Germany, and other places. Tram trains are something we need to look into.   KIM Kyuho  The effects of tourism development on the environment are important because they influence the natural environment and the living space of the people residing in the areas that come under development. Areas developed as tourist attractions have the dual function of providing visitors with places to rest and amuse themselves, but also continuing to serve as places where the local people can make a living and enjoy a normal life. A development that fails to take a location’s receptive capacity into account leads to problems of noise pollution, traffic congestion, waste collection, and so on. Thus, consideration of the local residents has to take precedence over the tourists. Also, we must not pursue development that is not grounded in the local culture and only seeks monetary profit. The population of our province showed an average annual increase of 2.4 percent from 2011 to 2015 while the number of tourists visiting rose by a yearly average of 11.8 percent. On the other hand, during that same period, the total length of roads on the island increased by a mere 0.0081 percent, while automobile registrations have been rising an average of 14 percent per annum. Any plan for introducing new forms of transportation has to be based on the results of thorough, detailed studies of potential demand, considerations of the needs of local residents versus tourists, and potential traffic problems and their costs, as well as any costs to society.   KANG Gichoon  We usually see Jeju’s regional transportation issue as a a two-fold transport system, first between Jeju and other areas and second between Jeju City and Seogwipo City. If we approach intra-provincial transportation from a somewhat broader perspective, it seems more realistic to see it in terms of the older division of the province into two cities and two counties and their respective living zones. A specific plan for building an ecofriendly transport infrastructure should look to bus rapid transit rather than going to railroads right away, and later, when the demand warrants it, we can switch to a rail system. Until such time, we should expand the role of electric buses for the sake of the environment. If we are to achieve the goal of making Jeju Island carbon-free, we need to put electric buses not only on city lines but on all regional routes. We also need to consider building roads that enable wireless charging of electric vehicles, a technology that has recently become possible.   There is a restructuring of the public transportation system scheduled to go into effect in August 2017 which will involve a variety of measures to make our buses more competitive by running express buses, introducing dedicated bus lanes, and opening new transit centers. This will provide a good basis for later creating much needed direct connections between the eastern and western ends of the island. Also, with the continuous increase in traffic around Jeju International Airport, Jeju Port, and Seongsan Port, we need to head off the problem by designating exclusive public transit lanes and establishing conditions that will make it easier to switch to rail transport in the future. How the construction of transportation infrastructure is to be carried out is of course a very important consideration, but we also need to consider the associated financial aspects. The infrastructure could be financed by public or private funds or by some combination thereof, but we also need to examine what role local rural assets could play and how the cooperation of public institutions could be brought to bear on financing.   Policy Implications   ● In view of the expectation that traffic congestion will continue to worsen with the increase in the number of both permanent residents and tourists, we have to study ways of building better, ecofriendly transportation infrastructure in order to raise capacity for receiving tourists.   ● We also need to look into turning the transportation system itself into a tourist attraction by making optimum use of special characteristics of Jeju as a world class pristine tourist destination in addition to more ordinary enhancements such as introducing new means of transport and adjusting costs.   ● We need to analyze the introduction and operation of light rail transit systems in Gimhae and Yongin, which have been running in the red, and in Daegu, which is a success story, and apply what we learn to our own transit systems. Building ecofriendly transportation infrastructure requires tremendous financial resources and as such, the need for an intra-regional transport system must be acknowledged and governmental policy support provided.
  • Jeju - From Island of Trauma to Island of Peace 조회수 4
    저자
    Andray Abrahamian (Research Fellow at Pacific Forum CSIS)
    발간호
    2017-09
    Jeju - From Island of Trauma to Island of Peace   [caption id="" align="alignright" width="150"] Andray AbrahamianResearch Fellow at Pacific Forum CSIS[/caption] Waves of warm water gently roll over rich, black lava shores. Electric rent-a-cars hum around the island, taking tourists to fancy cafes and local restaurants. Tour groups bundle out of buses, snapping selfies at scenic sites.   It wasn’t always so pleasant. Jeju Islanders have long had a tense relationship with the mainland. An impoverished Jeju was violently dragged into the ideological conflicts that shaped Korea’s post-colonial period. Yet it’s current successes and its painful past should allow Jeju to both convene stakeholders and act as a model for resolution of historical conflicts in Asia.   After the defeat of Japan in World War II, as the temporary division of Korea became rigidified, tensions grew between leftist locals and authorities dispatched from Seoul. Things came to head in the spring of 1948, when locals, outraged over separate Southern elections as well as police brutality and graft, began a small insurgency. The uprising was quickly branded a Pyongyang-incited communist movement and was harshly put down. Estimates vary, but 25,000 to 30,000 deaths is a reasonable guess: significant for a total population of 300,000 at the time.   Right-wing militias marauded through the Jeju countryside, sweeping up leftists as well as apolitical villagers, sending families fleeing for Halla Mountain. Men were lined up, shot and buried in shallow graves. Smoke from burning villages choked the air, overwhelming the normal scents of springtime. Tens of thousands of islanders fled for Japan and elsewhere, never to return. For decades, under dictatorship, no one could discuss this 1948 incident openly.   This “Jeju Massacre” or “April 3rd Incident” was the most modern trauma in a long line of troubles. Jeju had never really been a part of mainstream Korea, even after it was fully subjugated in the 15th century. It was a place for the central government to send exiles. Jeju was considered too barbarian, too Mongolian, or too Shamanist to be accepted by the central culture. Locals grew up marginalized, outsiders whose identity was partly defined by suspicion and resistance to central control. Violent uprisings were frequent under the Shilla, Baekjae and Goryo dynasties. At end of Joseon, uprisings broke out in 1862, 1890, 1891, 1896, 1898 and, perhaps most famously, in the 1901 Lee Jae Su uprising.   Yet now, 70 years after 1948, South Korea and Jeju have proactively confronted the Jeju Massacre and turned the island into a success story. How was this accomplished?   First, Jeju, long on the periphery and with a unique culture, was “Koreanized”. Media, education and military service were standardized with the rest of the Republic of Korea. There were elements of repression in this, but the demands of the homogenous, territorially bounded nation-state are very different from the flowing, tributary-alliance way feudal societies organized center and periphery relationships. Jeju Island was made a full province and brought more wholly into mainland society, yet a local identity has remained strong.   Jeju’s economy experienced huge investment and development with tangible results in the period of repression. Jeju’s per capita income sits right in the middle of national earnings, higher than cities such as Incheon and Gwangju. Not only has income dramatically risen along with the rest of Korea, but Jeju now boasts some of the highest rates of longevity in the country.   For the last half-century mainlanders have visited the island with increasing frequency: Seoul to Jeju is the world’s busiest air route, with multiple flights every hour of every day. (And good luck trying to get a weekend flight from spring to fall.) The idea that Jeju is ‘exotic, but Korean nonetheless’ is now a common one – the concept of Jeju as extrinsic and alien has disappeared.   Importantly, Seoul granted political autonomy in 2006, creating a Korea’s first ‘special autonomous province’. While foreign and military affairs are still Seoul’s purview (creating some tension over the construction of a naval base that opened last year), most major points of governance are in local hands. Key psychological indices include education and police. It is perhaps hard to overstate the value of this for a populace that has long been suspicious of central control.   The local government also largely controls its economic relations with the outside world, having total jurisdiction over financial and visa regulations. Furthermore, the foundation laid by prior economic development has freed up local authorities to pursue a variety of plans, including becoming a hub for regional cruise ships or for international secondary schools. Visa-free entry for most passports has helped a boom in Chinese tourism, which will likely bounce back after a slow 2017.   Finally, in the 1990’s as South Korea became a functioning democracy, the tragic events of 1948 became open for public discussion. In 2003 President Roh Moo-hyun offered an official apology to the people of Jeju and construction on a Peace Park and 4.3 Memorial commenced. The apology was widely seen as the lynchpin of the government’s attempts to address historical state-sponsored injustices and served to publically legitimize the islanders’ longstanding grievances. It went a long way toward providing emotional resolution to the tensions between the peripheral island and the society of the metropole.   Things aren’t perfect, of course, and relations between Jeju and the mainland will always require management and negotiation. Still, the success Jeju has seen in resolving painful conflicts of identity and resource-sharing can and should be exported beyond the Korean peninsula.   Jeju is already a competitor for “MICE” tourism: it is a great venue for “Meetings, Incentives, Conventions and Exhibitions” in a variety of sectors, from the cruise industry to sporting events. The hard and soft infrastructure is all in place already.   Perhaps most significantly, since 2001 Jeju has hosted the Jeju Peace Forum, a multilateral dialogue on security issues. It was renamed the Jeju Forum for Peace and Prosperity in 2011 and made an annual event. The Forum’s brand revolves around peace-building and conflict resolution. It is well known amongst practitioners of diplomacy, academics and activists. It attracts luminaries such as Goh Chok Tong, former Prime Minister of Singapore, Justice Michael Kirby of Australia and Apple co-founder Steve Wozniak.   This high-profile event could be used as a jumping off point for many smaller events. Countries from around the region face a host of problems connected to resource sharing and identity, similar to the core issues that long tormented Jeju. Myanmar fails to conclude a peace process that is wracked with obstacles. Laos struggles to integrate its highland minorities into its program of nation and infrastructure building. Tensions between Okinawa, Tokyo and Washington frequently surface due to U.S.-Japan security arrangements. The list could go on.   To help tackle such issues, Jeju could bring government, military and civil society leaders from other Asian countries together for dialogues, workshops and negotiations in what is a neutral venue. The island could also host younger groups: college students and other young leaders could come for programs that will help build cooperation among key stakeholders in the long-term. Sometimes these could compliment existing dialogues. Others could be new initiatives, with Jeju in the lead.   Expertise is important. Such programs would have to source input from knowledgeable people in academia and in South Korea’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs in order to design programs that are appropriate and effective. As always, money matters, too. Both Seoul and Jeju governments would need to supply funding to bring together actors from other countries that have dealt with ideological, ethnic or other strife.   But for that investment, Jeju’s brand as a “Peace Island” would be strengthened in Asia. The Jeju Forum could expand into year-round programming, creating synergies between the main event and smaller projects. More importantly, Jeju might contribute to resolving some of the region’s longstanding points of conflict.   Many of the pieces to turn Jeju into such a platform are in place already: Korea doesn’t have a stake in many conflicts in the region, unlike, say China Jeju has the infrastructure and brand already it is a great place to visit, people want to come. Most importantly, it has a positive historical example to present. With some vision, the island could become Asia’s premier venue for conflict resolution and peace programming.   Andray Abrahamian is a Research Fellow at Pacific Forum CSIS
  • Concerning Jeju’s ‘5+1 Inter-Korean Cooperation Projects’ 조회수 4
    저자
    Kun-Hyung Kang (Professor, Department of Political Science and Diplomacy, Jeju National University)
    발간호
    2017-09
    Concerning Jeju’s ‘5+1 Inter-Korean Cooperation Projects’   [caption id="" align="alignright" width="150"] Kun-Hyung KangProfessor, Department of Political Science and Diplomacy, Jeju National University[/caption] 1. Context of the Suggestion of 5+1 Inter-Korean Cooperation Projects The landmine explosion in the military demarcation line in August, 2015 raised the tension on the Korean peninsula to its highest pitch, but it also provided in dramatic fashion the opportunity for South and North Korea to hold high-level talks. The Aug. 25 agreement at the talks raised expectations for a new breakthrough that may lead to the easing of military tension, reunions of separated families and invigoration of civil exchanges. The Park Geun-hye government has put the “establishment of the basis for peaceful unification” as one of its top national agendas, an indication of its eagerness for inter-Korean exchanges and national unification. Its policy, called “Korean Peninsula Trust-building Process,” which was designed to lay a foundation for unification by building trust between the two Koreas, is seen withal to have failed to produce the desired result due to North Korea’s rejection of it. Nevertheless, the Park Geun-hye government continued to extend humanitarian aid to North Korea even amid the stalemated inter-Korean ties in its optimism over the outlook of inter-Korean exchanges on the level of local government.   It was the Jeju Special Self-governing Province led by Gov. Won Hee-ryong that made the most positive response to the government’s maneuver toward the North. Gov. Won judged that local government’s participation in the inter-Korean exchanges would contribute to the establishment of the basis for co-prosperity of the two Koreas and recovery of national unity of the Korean people. In the forum for national reconciliation on Nov. 20, 2015, Gov. Won came up with the ambitious 5+1 inter-Korean cooperation projects by suggesting the South-North energy project for peace in addition to the existing five projects pursued by the province.   2. 5+1 Inter-Korean Cooperation Projects of the Jeju Special Self-governing Province 1) Resuming the Tangerine Donation to North Korea The Jeju Special Self-governing Province, which initiated tangerine donation to the North in 1999, continued sending tangerines to the North until 2010 - 12 years in a row - but it was suspended under the May 24 measure against the North following the Cheonan sinking due to the North Korean attack. The residents of the province have donated a total of 48,000 tons of tangerines and 18,000 tons of carrots to the North. The tangerine donation project was the first North Korea aid organized jointly by the local government and civil sector, as well as a concrete case of forging national consensus on the aid. The province also engaged in diverse North assistance programs which included donations of winter clothes for North Korean children, pasture seeds, medical supplies, black pigs indigenous to Jeju Island and relief goods for flood victims in the North. Thanks to the humanitarian aids, the residents of the province have been invited to the North on four occasions, the only case among the local governments of the South.   With the tangerine aid program, Jeju province contributed to the invigoration of inter-Korean exchanges and raised its own international standing as to be designated the Island of World Peace by the central government in 2004. The tangerine aid was also popularly called “vitamin C diplomacy” by the news media home and abroad.   Upon taking office as governor of the Jeju province, Won pledged to resume the tangerine aid and made efforts to make a breakthrough in the inter-Korean ties, but it still remains suspended due to the refusal of the North and the heightened tensions on the peninsula.   2) Pursuit of Jeju-North Korea Peace Cruise Line The bid to open a cruise line from Jeju Island to Nampo or Wonsan in the North is an ambitious project to a peace belt in Northeast Asia, based on mutual trust between the ports of call, as well as to vitalize the North Korean economy. If the cruise line opens, it may expand to other Northeast Asian regions by linking Shanghai, Nampo in the North, Jeju Island, Hamheung in the North, Nagasaki in Japan and Okinawa. In addition, it is expected to minimize military clashes, as the cruise route would serve as a buffer zone. This project may be introduced only when the inter-Korean exchanges are resumed under eased tensions between the two Koreas. It also depends on whether Nampo and Hamheung have the pier facilities docking the cruise ships and other infrastructures for transportation. If they do not have such facilities, it would likely raise the issue of which party should pay to build them.   3) Cooperation to Jointly Preserve the Ecology of Mt. Paektu and Halla When the third delegation of the Jeju province visited the North in August, 2003, the two sides began to discuss the environmental project and reached an agreement on the environmental exchanges on their fourth visit to the North in November, 2007. Jeju Island was listed as one of the Biosphere Reserves (in 2002), World Natural Heritages (in 2007) and Global Geoparks of UNESCO (in 2010). In 2011, the ecological treasure island was also designated as one of the New 7 Wonders of Nature. The island is advised to encourage the North to join with the ecological project and seek to become the World Environmental Hub by making most of its environmental value.   It would be one of the crucial preparations for the post-unification era to share with the North its ecological experience and expertise needed to preserve the environment of Mt. Paektu. With the inter-Korean environmental project, the South and North may conduct a joint survey on the ecological conditions of Mt. Paektu and Halla, including the climate, geology and flora and fauna there and a research on changes in the vegetation under global warming.   4) Pursuit of Cross Visits to Mt. Paektu and Halla Acting on the suggestion made at the summit in June, 2000, the two Koreas agreed on the Mt. Paektu tour in the second inter-Korean summit meeting in October, 2007. The outstanding tourism resources of Jeju Island, the undisputed international tourist spot, and its long-accumulated tourism expertise could help the development of North Korea tour programs, which might contribute to peace-building on the Korean peninsula. Considering the efforts of North Korea to develop tourism programs, such as the ski resort in Masik Pass, and open its door to foreign tourists, the cross visits to Mt. Paektu and Halla are likely to be realized at any moment when the inter-Korean exchanges resume.   Before institutionalizing the cross visits, the South and North should conclude the agreement on the “South-North cross visit project,” simplify the tour procedures and guarantee personal safety. As Jeju Island has rich experience in tourism development, it may administer training programs for the North Korean tourism personnel. It is necessary to develop Jeju Island-North Korea tourism program as a mid- and long-term project.   5) Efforts to Invite North Korean Figures to the Jeju Forum The annual Jeju Forum might be perceived as the jewel of the Island of World Peace projects. The forum which marked its 12th anniversary in May of this year remains the nation’s representative forum joined by more than 3,000 politicians, public officials, professors and journalists home and abroad to discuss peace and prosperity of Asia and the world. The invitation of North Korean figures to the Jeju Forum would be meaningful in that it would provide them the opportunity to discuss with global leaders peace and prosperity on the Korean peninsula and in Northeast Asia. If the North Korean delegation joins the forum, the South would have to consider how to organize sessions that they can join and agendas they will discuss. Given that they are unwilling to discuss nuclear or unification issues, it would be easier for them to join the forum if they are invited to the sessions on development cooperation, ecological environment and energy issues which they are more interested in.   6) Pursuit of the 5+1 Energy Cooperation Project Gov. Won Hee-ryong, who pushes ahead with various projects for self-reliance of the Jeju province in energy, seeks to meet all electricity needs with renewable energy and replace 370,000 vehicles on the island with electric cars by 2030, with a vision to develop the island into a “carbon free island.”   The Jeju province has designated Haengwon-ri, Gujwa-eup as a model village of energy self-reliance. With this trial project, the province is exploring ways to achieve energy self-reliance. It also seeks measures to deliver its energy expertise and technology to the North suffering from power shortage as part of the inter-Korean energy cooperation project for peace. It may be viewed as “peaceful use of energy,” in that it pursues peaceful procedure of producing and consuming energy. It is also compatible with the image of Island of World Peace.   Jeju province is a member of the Greater Tumen Initiative and Northeast Asia (NEA) Local Cooperation Committee (LCC) and ready to actively participate in the energy sub-committee of LCC. The province is poised to propose its “2030 Carbon Free Island” project as a Northeast Asian model and share its expertise about the renewable energy project at the sub-committee. It seeks to help North Korea address its power shortage and to play a leading role in paving the way toward sustainable development of Northeast Asia. This project is another bid for a future-oriented inter-Korean cooperation in addition to the existing five projects.   3. Evaluation and Suggestion As illustrated above, Gov. Won actively pursues inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation. He believes that local governments or civil organizations should go forward to make a breakthrough, given that the central government cannot do anything amid the deteriorated inter-Korean ties. In this respect, he is deemed to be very optimistic about the inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation. Gov. Won was not only set to resume the five projects for inter-Korean exchanges, including the tangerine donation to the North, but also went on to suggest the energy cooperation project.   After taking office, President Moon Jae-in said that he would actively promote inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation in his speech in Berlin and allow the exchanges of the local governments of the South with the North. In spite of the efforts of the central and local governments of the South for inter-Korean exchange, the North went against peace by pushing ahead with missile launches and its sixth nuclear test. It went on to circumvent the South in the so-called strategy of driving a wedge between the South and the U.S.   It is all too evident that the heightened tension on the Korean peninsula has made it impossible to pursue the exchanges. However, it cannot be emphasized enough that the South should be prepared for the inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation that might be possible sometime in the future. To that end, the Jeju province should continue to raise the inter-Korean cooperation fund, maintain the ad hoc organizations and recruit manpower specialized in North Korean affairs. It would also be necessary to develop mutually beneficial projects for the two Koreas, based on the experiences of the inter-Korean exchanges of the past.